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The Annotated Bibliography of the Work of Geneva Smitherman

Geneva Smitherman was born on 10 December 1940 in Brownsville, Tennessee. She moved with her family to Detroit, Michigan when she was one year old. She has written a host of publications about the history and significance of African American English. Dr. Smitherman is an educational advocate and a specialist in socio-linguistics and African American speech. Her main focus is on the history and use of African American language. She is currently University Distinguished Professor of English and Director of the African American Language and Literacy Program at Michigan State University.

A compilation of essays by 20 African American women concerning the 1991 hearing where African American law professor Anita Hill spoke to the Senate Judiciary Committee telling them African American Supreme Court nominee, Clarence Thomas sexually harassed her. These essays examine how people responded to the hearings between two prominent African Americans and lent a voice to what some essayists considered the lost voice of “Black Feminists, or Womanists.” These essays point out how extraordinary this time was in history and how this hearing sparked much debate and disagreements between class, gender, and racial lines.

A dictionary-like book full of numerous terms that reflect words and phrases not only in the hip hop world, but words and phrases used by mainly African Americans from nearly every walk of life. More interesting than the definitions and terms is Smiterman’s introduction as she gives a current history lesson on some of the terms she defines. In her introduction, she includes a look at how the term African American came to be the accepted term versus Black. Also included in this lengthy introduction are sections on the grammar and pronunciation of black talk, as well as an explanation of how the term Ebonics nested itself inside of mainstream America when in 1996 the School Board sought resolution on its use in Oakland, California.

This book begins with statistics of unemployment, incarceration, homicide, and education that shows a significant difference between Whites and Blacks. It continues on with words from some Black men and their situations in life, some rising from bad situations and some destined to remain in them without proper guidance, better education, and positive role models. The book moves on to highlight Black studies centered schools in various cities before it settles in to discussing the Malcolm X Academy. Having both served on a yearlong study conducted by the superintendent of Detroit’s Public School District, Geneva Smitherman and Clifford Watson saw not only the establishment of Malcolm X Academy, but also two other all-male elementary schools in Detroit. The philosophy, curriculum, and pedagogy of the academy are also introduced with actual teachers and their objectives as well as statistics to prove the success of the educational program deemed, “empowering for young Black males.” Although the establishment of this school in an all-White neighborhood was met with much opposition and there were many threats, vocal and physical, Amandala [power] to succeed was greater.

This book begins with history of Black English structure and offers this history in response and defense to the notion that Black Language is a result of lazy articulation. It traces and examines Black English as transcending from African linguistic tradition “modified on American soil.” The simple dramatics of sentences are even broken down in this book, including the over or misuse of verbs and pronouns and the how and why this happens. The book relates the Black Semantic language and its verbal concepts to the West African language in three categories, which are “words of direct African origin, words that are loan-translations, and inflated vocabulary.” Many references and examples about religion and Black language are expertly made as well in this book. In addition, several cartoon sketches depicting juxtaposition of how Black language is used by Blacks and Whites is included. The book is full of noted Black authors’ work that aid in the explanation of how Black Language is and should be understood. This book looks at racial epithets and how they may imply different definitions depending on the speaker, as well as taking a look at many provisions of rap, its definition, and how it can be viewed and understood. What becomes so mystifying about this book is the fact that although written in 1977, the discussions can be and still apply today. Smitherman’s contention in the end is that although Black English is viewed as an “underdeveloped version of standard English,” teachers can change this by including some concepts in classes and not ignoring its existence.

Smitherman writes this book from a position of being the authority figure on African American Language as being a true language. Each chapter takes a different approach to African American Language issues and can be read as expert guidance about various issues that have been raised. Smitherman gives a listing of terms and expressions in Chapter 2 and she addresses the use of the “N” word in Chapter 3, showing how although grouped together in her book, each chapter can stand solely. In addition, Smitherman tackles issues of the hip hop word and explores language used by various popular rap artists as well as her inclusion of song lyrics from their hits. This book is also interwoven with her switching between African American Language and standard spoken language which gives the book a colorful look at the play between two languages, one common to some and one common to all.

Solicited by the Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) to provide commentary on what Ebonics is and how it is relevant to TESOL, Smitherman responded with this article. Smitherman begins with her own experience of being “effectively silenced” because of her use of Ebonics in her early elementary school days. She explains how this silence would later hinder her higher educational goals and eventually prompt her to study her own language. Smitherman includes what she calls the “media (mis) coverage of the Oakland School Board decision concerning Ebonics as well as giving a historical look at exactly how long Ebonics has actually been studied. She notes that linguistic research on Ebonics dates back to 1884 when a 47-page treatise was published in the journal Anglia. Some of her main points are that “people of African descent have been speaking Ebonics for centuries, Ebonics is not nonstandard English, nor is it synonymous with Rap, and that Ebonics is a super-ordinate term that refers to all the West African-European language mixtures.

As the title suggests, Smitherman gives her perspective on Black English and imposes the notion that Black Idiom is under attack by White America because, Black Idiom cannot be separated from its culture or the experience of being Black. She believes educational goals cannot be specified for Blacks without considering white American’s structure in society, as with her idea, “the denigration of Black Idiom is but a manifestation of white America’s class anxiety.” Smitherman goes on to give examples, using portions of a paper written by a “Black freshman,” as well as a song she heard sung by “an old Negro street singer” to make the point that what is spoken is often proper speaking to the person speaking or writing it and speaking proper simply means “you become fluent with the jargon of power.”

Language and Liberation poses that using Black dialect is more about being a “language question,” rather than anything else. This article also talks about how when considering whether Black dialect should be used or not, causes a huge divide between the “Afro-American nation.” Smitherman notes how this divide is seen among the working and underclass Blacks being on one side, while middle-class and professional Blacks are on the other side. She contends intellectuals and scholars are “vacillating somewhere in between.” As in some of her other publications, Smitherman points out that language is “socially constituted” and is also “politically and culturally derived” as well.

This publication offers an interesting historical overview of the 1974 Students Right document and gives a different way in which to look at language. Smitherman includes the involvement of the Executive Committee of the Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC) and what position they took concerning language rights. The CCCC passed a resolution on “students rights to their own patterns and varieties of language,” in 1972. After that resolution was passed, the CCCC created a position statement, the Student’s Right to Their Own Language,” which was later adopted at the CCCC Annual Convention in April 1974.

Smitherman gives insight into the start of what Black Arts Literature is, as well as placing it beside the Harlem Renaissance, distinguishing the two as different because of two main aspects. The first aspect is how Black artists include themselves into the artistic picture, first as a man versus as simply a writer. Her second aspect of difference is that Black men reject “elitist tendencies of the Renaissance literati and that he makes Herculean efforts to create a literature reflective of Black folks.” Smitherman gives a view into the history of rap and how it relates to poetry because of how rap is derived “within the context of the interrelationship between language and cultural values.” She also alludes to the fact that within this new movement, rap is more powerful and engulfed in Black Oral Tradition.

Borrowing from the late poet, Countee Cullen’s poem, entitled, Heritage, Smitherman uses his question, “What is Africa to me,” adding the connecting words, language, ideology, and African American as her title for this publication. This article takes a look at how Black Americans have been labeled starting with the general or usual terms used to describe Black Americans such as colored, Negro, Black, and African Americans. Smitherman examines how “the semantics of race have been recurring themes in socio-linguistic constructions of reality since 1619, when the first African slaves landed.” In addition, Smitherman conducted surveys across several cities, which included both African, and European Americans concerning the now heavily used term, African American versus Black. The surveys gave reasoning for and against the use that include approval because of establishing or identifying with dual heritage and leaving the “color” label out and disapproval reasons were because Blacks in America were no African and there was really no need for the change.

This publication chronicles the history of the Conference on College Composition and Communication’s (CCCC) role in identifying and forming an equal platform for language diversity by educators and students. Although the primary focus is on the policies concerning the 1974 “Students’ Right resolution and the National Language Policy of 1988, included are excerpts from numerous articles written by “members and leaders” in the field that illuminates CCCC’s role in this language rights struggle.

Offered in this article is Smitherman’s proposal of a Five-Point Program designed for teaching English in inner city based programs. Her main proposal is that real needs of the Black ghetto student are identified and addressed. The points of the program are, 1) Examination of Alternative Life-Styles, 2) Emphasis on Reading; 3) Emphasis on Oral Work; 4) Intensive Study of Language and Culture and Both Social and Regional Dialects; and 5) Emphasis on Content and Message, Logical Development, Use of Supporting Details and Examples, Analysis and Arrangement, Style, Specificity, Variation of Word Choice, Sentence Structure, Originality. Ultimately Smitherman wants to stress the need to look beyond the classroom and understand what brings the Black ghetto student to the current situation she finds herself in that make hinder the learning process.

Discussed in this article is how American class anxiety and racism are reflected in the linguistic purist tradition. Smitherman moves on to discuss the bi-dialectalism of contemporary Black Idiom speakers and she dispels the myth that she wants everyone to speak this language. The last two points she discusses are the need for accurate, comprehensive descriptions or models of Black Idiom and the need for teachers to get on the real business of teaching reading and communication skills to Black students. As with most of Smitherman’s articles, she cleverly switches between Black Idiom and Standard English in order to make the point that her article is understandable regardless of whether which language she uses.

Smitherman takes the position that regardless of ethnic background, all teachers should become familiar with cultural and linguistic differences and how they affect a student’s learning. She notes how it should become the teacher’s responsibility to understand that by shunning a student because of their dialect, they feel embarrassed and may shy away from learning altogether. Smitherman puts more responsibility upon the English teacher versus teachers in general because, “[English teachers] got to take some of the weight, cause they bees steady intimidatin kids bout they ‘incorrect English.”

This article defines hip-hop in terms of urban youth culture in America. Smitherman defines it as “a blend of reality and fiction.” She notes that within the world of hip-hop, rap music “is a contemporary response” to certain conditions of life. Smitherman further explains how this culture has “rescued several rappers from thug life and given them legitimate, productive careers.” She also describes that while these rappers may be saved from street-life, they do not capitalize as much as big business do, such as the recording companies and record stores. Smitherman’s main argument throughout this piece stays consistent that hip hop is derived from African American communicative traditions and discursive practices to convey the Black struggle for survival in the face of America’s abandonment of the descendants of enslaved Africans.

This article sheds light on contemporary research of Black linguistics and how it has grown since the 1960s. Two points made and built upon throughout the article are, “the assertion that black speech was structurally and functionally adequate and that it was deemed socially and educationally inadequate.” In theory and research, Smitherman believes research must involve a holistic approach and that the history and cultural antecedents and experiences of Afro-Americans must be taken into account. She further proposes, in addition to already in-place standardized testing, a policy, which would recognize the “legitimacy of all languages and dialects” in America.

Smitherman makes a call for a national public policy on language where speech, language and composition professionals take up what she calls, “the unfinished business the Committee on the Students’ Right to Their Own Language,” adopted in the mid 1970s. In this article, she proposes a “three-prong policy-a 360-degree Trinity that constitutes an inseparable whole.” The three prongs include, reinforcement of the need for and teaching of the language and wider communication, the reinforcement and reaffirmation for the legitimacy of non-mainstream languages and dialects and promotion of the Mother Tongue instruction as co-equal language of instruction along with the language of wider communication, and lastly, the promotion of the acquisition of one or more foreign languages, preferably a language spoken by persons in the Third World, such as Spanish, because of its widespread use.

Written in 1971, but still remarkably evident today, in this publication, Smitherman poses three solutions to what she considers “socio-political/pedagogical implications” about Black English and offers these three solutions: 1) eradication; 2) bi-dialectalism; or 3) legitimization. Smitherman goes on to discuss each of these three proposed solutions in great detail. She includes studies and gives insight into how she feels they succeed or fail as well as making the point that regardless of how a Black idiom speaker reads a sentence; the fact should be that he is reading the sentence. Smitherman believes teachers that have been focused on eradicating Black idiom speakers is not a valid cause because she mentions how “bookoos of Black folks mastered the reading process without any “dialect interference.”

Smitherman seems to be mocking those that responded to her article entitled, “God Don’t Never Change: Black English From a Black Perspective.” In this reply, she feels that those writing responses to that article, in particularly Hunt, feels she wrote the article from only her perspective, without having actually experienced any of what she wrote about. Smitherman smugly lists her qualifications with, “for the uninformed, since everybody and they momma seem so interested in my background, I not only done taught disadvantaged black students, I done lived disadvantaged…” She continues with historical and statistical data and ends her article by offering anyone else interested in what she calls, “Smitherman thots” should consult her attached bibliography.

Smitherman begins this response article to Lynn Marie Glick as a result of Glick’s comments on Smitherman’s “Dat Teacher Be Hollin at Us: What is Ebonics?” with statistics and corrections. She sets the record straight about a typographical error that occurred in the article and then insists that although it occurred, it does not necessarily change any of the issues she raised in her original article. Smitherman maintains, “schools are failing African American youth all over the country, particularly those from working, nonworking, and underclass.” She also reinforces her belief about the Oakland teachers and the negative public response and scrutiny they have been under since their school board hearing in December 1996 regarding Ebonics. Smitherman ends the article by citing certain studies, in particular, a reading curriculum called Bridge, created by Simpkins, Holt, and Simpkins. The curriculum was based on language and culture of Ebonics and contained contrasting readings and exercises in Standard English. Smitherman believes it was “the most impressive work” to that date concerning Ebonics.

Captured in this writing is the premise that Black English is not and should not be viewed as a “lower” form of White English, but rather as a language that has cultural roots and value. This article focuses on the study of descriptions of the semantic and lexical parameters and boundaries of Black and White English and their respective communities. Also included is how there has been a historic interplay of many different languages and dialects spoken more so in various blue-collar workplaces, in particular automobile plants and related industries. Botan and Smitherman explore how, as the influx of African Americans to these industrial type cities widened, Black Language was mixed or became part of a “patchwork of languages, developed in answer to a demand for communication between workers of various backgrounds, i.e., Italian, Polish, Irish, German, and French. Their main contention is because of a “high concentration of African Americans in the auto industry, the common language of the workplace could be expected to have many roots in Black English.”

Glick begins this article by correcting statistics Geneva Smitherman has incorrectly listed in her article, “Dat Teacher Be Hollin at Us: What is Ebonics?” Glick finds it inexcusable these facts concerning Oakland’s Black students were inaccurately used and listed by Smitherman. While Glick does not disagree with Smitherman on the issue of educators being held accountable to help students with language differences, she believes, Smitherman detracts from her own contentions, as well as providing a “basis for those who disagree with her [Smitherman’s] conclusions to simply dismiss them,” because the statistics she listed were so accessible they should not have been inaccurate.

Jean Hunt passionately makes a plea to Geneva Smitherman to stop wasting her time “tilting at windmills and make better use of her energy by attacking the genuine injustices that black people have been, and still are subjected to,” versus trying to make a case that Black Idiom is used in the classroom. Hunt appears angered by Smitherman’s article, “God Don’t Never Change: Black English from a Black Perspective,” and shares her views about it, as well as some of her students. Hunt responds more so to Smitherman by continually addressing her in this article and tells her she might be misinformed because, “perhaps you [Smitherman] have never taught disadvantaged students.” Hunt further writes some things her students have to say in defense of not speaking or writing Black English in formal settings such as the classroom or job interviews. Hunt believes that Smitherman seems “unduly prejudiced against white English” and she “exaggerates the extent to which it has been regularized by the early grammarians.” In the end, Hunt believes that Smitherman allows her “emotion to overpower her reason” and she is wasting her time on this issue of using Black English.

In this article, Meyers is found contradicting what Smitherman has quoted in her publication, “God Don’t Change Never Change: Black English from a Black Perspective,” and offers correct quotations and citations. He further disagrees with much of what she has to say concerning Black Idiom and instead believes that even though characteristics of Negro English is assumed to be “peculiar property” of Negroes, he finds that it’s simply, “archaic survivals of good old English.” Meyers thinks Smitherman has shortened quotes and twisted them to make her point. He also believes that how Blacks pronounce words is part of the history of English and not something that is conceived from their language as slaves, because “masters” spoke to them in English. His strongest point is about the placement of Negroes in America and how so many were from unrelated tribes and spoke so many different languages, they were “driven to the use of this infantile English in speaking to one another.” Meyers calls Smitherman a “purist” because he quotes, “for the purist is one who pushes what might otherwise be a virtue to the point where it becomes a vice. He has passion for perfection, but unfortunately also he often has a passion for discovering others are not as near as he to the goal of perfection.”

Russell gives Smitherman praise for being editor of the book, African American Women Speak out on Anita Hill-Clarence Thomas. Russell believes that of the three books published concerning this trial at the time, Smitherman’s was the best of the bunch. She also reinforces Smitherman’s words in the book’s introduction that, “…the real lessons to be learned from the Hill-Thomas debacle concern the continuing subordination of African American women through the operation of race, gender, and class politics in the United States.” Russell goes on to inform how enlightening it was to have the voices of these African American women heard in this book and how priceless this collection of essays will remain.